Dutch ENIG: from nonveridicality to downward entailment

In combinations with singular count nouns, the Dutch indefinite determiner enig ‘some/any’ shows a diachronic distributional shift from nonveridical environments in general to a strict subset thereof, namely negative, conditional and interrogative contexts. Similarities with Greek indefinites of the kanenas-series are explored, and an argument is given that at some point enig has split into two uses, one of which is currently on its way out. Nonemphatic, nonreferring enig is disappearing, whereas emphatic enig is stable within a set of environments similar to those of English any or ever.