Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory

This paper presents an analysis of Icelandic umlaut in Optimality Theory. We account for umlaut in sal [œ] t -[Y] m ‘lettuce’ (dat. pl.) and d [œ:] g -[Y] m ‘day’ (dat. pl.), in which /a/ is fronted and rounded when followed by [Y], as well as forms such as j [œ] kli ‘glacier’ (dat. sg.) and b [œ] rn ‘child’ (ace. pl.) with an umlauted vowel, but no overt trigger. We explain why there is no umlaut in forms such as dal-n [Y] m ‘valley’ (def.), kakt [Y] s ‘cactus’ (nom. sg.), or d [a:] g -[Y] r ‘day’ (nom. sg.) despite the fact that /a/ occurs in the umlaut environment. We also explain why there is one umlauted vowel in sal [œ] t -[Y] m ≪ /salat + Ym/, but two umlauted vowels in f [œ] t-n [Y]ð-[Y] m ≪ /fat + nað + Ym/ ‘clothing’ (dat. pl.) and why the umlauted vowel is sometimes [Y] and sometimes [œ].