Interaction of scope and cliticization domain

Abstract The paper deals with how syntax of coordination interacts with the second position constraint. It is claimed, on the basis of Hittite data, that the cliticization scope of the enclitic coordinator can be limited to its complement with the exclusion of its (inner) specifier. This aspect of the interaction of coordination syntax and second position constraint has not been observed previously. Besides, Hittite broadens the dataset of the few languages with the “too-low” position of coordinators. Moreover, it is shown that the same type of cliticization domain is available for another extraCP clitic in Hittite — the direct speech particle. This is in stark contrast to CP bound clitics that take both the complement and the specifier of the head they target (C 0 ) as their cliticization domain. Thus, we see a non-trivial correlation of the position the clitic is generated in (or targets) and its distribution. This compares to a similar (yet different in detail) correlation in Ancient Greek between sentential and clausal clitics.